Friday 13 April 2012

Clouded Sonrise


We call them sons of soil, the proverbial torchbearers with whom rest the restless expectations of all and sundry. We find in them, hope and pragmatism, prospects as divergent as they are. We ascribe to them, in a subconscious throwback to our patriarchal prejudice, the onerous task of anchoring the dynastic juggernaut. No, it’s not a prosaic narrative that rues and argues the politics of gender, or for that matter, the gender of politics. It’s not an effort to debunk the di rigueur, nor is it a rabble rousing enterprise aimed to dismantle the demi –gods.
For starters, let’s be intelligent and intrepid to honour our infatuation with them. They are suave, articulate, well dressed, reasonably well read (well yes, maybe) and almost always well groomed. They are so unlike us, and going by conventional wisdom on laws of attraction, that is what sets us up. In our part of world, this besottment is as deep seated as our history. So when a dimpled debonair marches into dusty wastelands and announces himself the new political prince, we are too loath to let it pass as a fancied palaver. That Rahul Gandhi’s political report card presents novel shades of red is a different debate in itself. Recently, when Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, the 23-year old President of ruling Pakistan’s Peoples Party (PPP) accompanied his famous father to India, the analogical moorings of the overzealous mavens went into a familiar adrenaline- infested overdrive. As the young Bhutto warmed himself to not- so- young Gandhi, the regular rant of next generation reforms began to assume form and shape. There are some uncanny similarities other than their Oxford education though. Both of them belong to two of the more corrupt nations with dismal Human Development Indices, both are politically naïve, traditionally good looking, have dissenting cousins, considered leaders in making by the lobotomized lobby of their earnest admirers and both share the unfortunate family history of losing people to extremism. Will Bilawal be to PPP what Rahul has been to Congress? PPP would do well to hope otherwise.
Rahul’s poor parliamentary attendance and limited participation in debates have raised serious questions over his efficiency and political acumen. His impassionate rendition in numerous public meetings in the run up to Assembly elections too proved futile, as Akhilesh Yadav, the soft spoken Socialist scion of SP stole the thunder without any chauvinist chest thumping. Riding high on his ‘Kranti Rath’, the young Yadav connected with the masses, even as a hapless Rahul and helpless Congress failed to connect the dots, yet again. This brings forth another pertinent query- what constitutes loyalty, and is lineage an essential precursor to our (read Indian) loyalty? It may sound abstract, but the connotation isn’t devoid of its share of relevance and realism either. Take the case of so many of our celluloid stars. A lot of them, given their arsenal wouldn’t have ‘made it large’ but for their famous surnames. There is something more to this surname symbolism than mere nomenclature. It’s the pedigree that precedes them and lineage, in its varying sobriquets, succeeds them. More often than not, the apocryphal assumption of them having inherited the prodigal talent intrinsic to their glorious ancestors is accepted as self evident. Dynastic hegemony is not a simplistic social catchphrase anymore, it’s a psychological syndrome fostered by a cultural conundrum of hero worship, one that stymies free and fair system of operations. Throw in a bit of caste, a bit of religion and a bit of region, and you get the catastrophic spectacle of a dithering democracy, perched precariously on a precipice.
What is it with our premature and often compulsive obsession with everything new and relatively young? The death of nuance and critical, analytical faculties breed conceit, a self destructive proposition,  that not just insults our intelligence in elevating the greenhorns to timeless greatness in first place, but also makes it infinitely impossible for them to do justice to whatever they indeed possess. Our fetish for euphonious Gandhis, Pilots and Scindhias has ensured that the struggles of the real recalcitrants goes largely unnoticed. Despite their revered inherited leadership skills, youth politics in India is widely considered an acronym for sham, shindig, noise and nuisance. Even the Anna Hazare’s ‘movement’, that many believed was symbolic of a generational shift spurred by the youth, eventually ended up being a classic case study for PR failure, thanks to both, the abundance of disillusionment among the participating youth (many of whom simply sauntered about the Ramlila grounds for a free lunch, without an inkling of Lokpal or legal jurisprudence) as well as the absence of a sound leadership to shepherd the mob and its overflowing sentiments.
In all fairness, the problem lies not as much with the youth themselves, as with the way we sermonize, demonise and/or idealise them. Thirty five percent of our population is below 20 years of age; while this does speak of a globalised, liberalized and vibrant underbelly itching to let itself go, it must also serve a reminder of sorts to assess the education and employment opportunities being accorded to them, if at all. They are national asset, and ought to be treated that way. They are not ‘sons’ of soil or carriers of political patriarchy; there is more to them than trite caprice and celebrated surnames. They are the templates of demographic dividend, and clichéd as it may sound, the harbinger of larger social change we often lust for. They are not utopia, they aren’t meant to be. They are as much like you and me. The trick is to just let them be.





PS: Running the hazard of pricking the sexist bandwagon and being branded a cynical feminist notwithstanding, a realistic observation asserts itself- Agatha K Sangma, the 31-year old lawyer and Minister of State for Rural Development is the youngest MP in the 15th  , i.e. the current Lok Sabha. She has been going about her business with characteristic élan and without the charade that shrouds her more famous colleagues. Some points to ponder.

Friday 10 February 2012

UP and away


 Past couple of days has been unusually dour on Lucknow. The unexpected    rains have ensured a resounding re-entry of chill and gloom in the State capital, not known for a harsh February. For the politically, philosophically and psephologically inclined, these could well be signs of things to come.
A prospect pregnant with hope and uncertainty and answering to the name of ‘change’ is perceptible. Slowly but surely the biggest drama at Indian politics’ largest theatre is beginning to play out, and by all accounts it promises to live up to the top billing. Country’s largest state is going to polls and the quadrangular (comprising of ruling BSP, SP, Congress and BJP) clash for authority might well result in some strange, unforeseen post-poll formations, making Delhi 2014 an intricately interesting proposition. First however, the prelude.
The ruling BSP that came to power five seasons ago on strength of its brilliantly crafted social engineering finds itself embroiled in multiple high net worth corruption charges. Many believe that the promises made to the upper castes were conveniently forgotten once Ms. Mayawati assumed office. Her trusted quartet of Shashank Shekhar Singh, Naseemuddin Siddqui, Baburam Kushwaha and Satish Chandra Mishra didn’t do much to alter the inherent caste equations and as the ambivalent populace grew further disenchanted with her, a seemingly dispassionate Mayawati confined herself within the precincts of Mall Avenue, her official residence. Top it with the ever burgeoning NRHM scam that has already consumed a few CMOs, and the heady cocktail is ready to be served. Mayawati’s repeated offensive against a certain Rahul Gandhi hasn’t gone down well with many either. Often seen as a personal vendetta than a political debate, her rancid rhetoric has been repeatedly dismissed by Congress, who has minced no words in calling the current BSP Government the most corrupt ever.
Responding with allegations of widespread corruption in the implementation of MGNREGA scheme, the Congress scion transgressed physical and mental trammels to march into Dalit heartland with a bevy of promises to boot. His rubble- rousing Padyaatra in the dusty epicenter of national politics was an obvious effort to reach out to, and eventually reap the harvest of grassroots. It generated apparent consternation in BSP ranks, already battling anti-incumbency.
Talking of Rahul, it’s his biggest litmus test yet. Given the degree of personal and professional energy he has dutifully invested in these elections, Congress would be contemplating a comeback in the Hindi heartland after a 22-year abeyance. Its desperation is incredulously palpable. From the unabashedly explicit minority (read Muslims) appeasement to ‘caste’ing candidates of a particular pedigree, it has entered ballot battlefield with all its guns blazing. After promising a 9% sub-quota for Muslims and in the process getting a mouthful from the Election Commission, Congress has appointed Union Steel Minister Beni Prasad Verma to gobble Kurmi votes whereas P L Punia, Chairperson of National Commission of Schedule Castes has been entrusted with the task of wresting and arresting the ‘most backward caste’ votes. A fine show here and we might witness a paradigm shift in Rahul Gandhi’s role at Raisina Hills. Expecting Congress to sweep Uttar Pradesh might well be a fantastic chimera, but its role of a possible playmaker cannot be ruled out. It would do well to finish third, and if SP grabs either of the top two slots with a fairly decent margin, a SP-Congress alliance might well be on the cards.
Samajwadi Party, on the other hand, rejuvenated by the exuberance of its very own tech-savvy, environment engineer-heir apparent is busy playing its trusted MY (Muslim-Yadav) card. After snubbing Congress over the sub-quota issue and promising his loyalties with Mulayam (who has ensured 18% sub quota for Muslims), Imam Bukhari has made it clear that appeasement itself is a long drawn process. With English speaking Akhilesh, SP is trying frantically to shed its anti- English, anti- computers image and reposition itself as a modern, youth oriented socialist party. Like Rahul, this is Akhilesh’s first major assignment, and larger, proactive responsibilities might come knocking for the Kannauj MP post polls. His strong anti corruption stance -he denied ticket to tainted DP Yadav- backed by a suave, hands on approach have earned him generous plaudits; but will kind words translate into kinder votes is something perennially perilous to predict. Congress has, more than once vowed that it wouldn’t side with ‘goons’ (read SP) at any cost might be music to many, but a SP- Congress combine in UP would considerably reduce Congress’ dependency on its in- house bête noire, the TMC in Delhi, as a result of which contentious issues that have been pushed to backburner, viz. land acquisition, Pensions Bill, FDI in multibrand retail (a decision on which has been postponed till the election’s results are declared) and the much debated Lokpal Bill can be revived and resolved.
The fourth player in the grandiloquent quadrangular quagmire finds itself enmeshed in the most unwanted situation. Bereft of ideas, devoid of charisma and guilty of political doublespeak, the BJP seems to have developed an eerie knack of shooting at its own feet. The flight to failure took off last year with an ill timed rath yaatra by its restive patriarch, even as its own CMs were facing graft charges. Meanwhile, as talks of rift between Gadkari and Modi gained momentum, the BJP effected a legendary faux pas. It inducted BSP discard and NRHM scam’s prime accused Babu Singh Kushwaha in its ranks, and all hell broke loose. The Congress, rubbing its palms with narcissist-sadist glee jumped on the critics’ bandwagon, even as the BJP appeared a divided house on the issue. It was a welcome relief for BSP too, who, wary of anti incumbency had gone on a sacking spree, and whose anti corruption grandstanding now stood vindicated. The BJP has expectedly opposed the minority sub quota, citing communalization of society and fragmentation within Hindu OBCs as its primary reasons. The pseudo -seculars in doing so, did their reputation no harm, more so when Mr. Advani tried to replay the Hindutva-Ram Temple card on poll eve.
Will the generation old issue still find resonance among masses or will it be summarily debunked to realms of redundancy is an interesting and intriguing prospect. From polarization of electorate on communal lines to prospective fissures within beneficiaries, from policy of promises to promises of policies, from factions within parties to fragmentation of state itself, UP 2012 is set to unravel varying concepts of political opportunism, caste calculus and social algebra, the results of which might well decide the fate, face and façade of Indian polity, come 2014. The innocuous rains in Lucknow might well be the brewing insidious storm.




PS : If Muslims constitute 18% of UP’s population and SC’s 20%, what’s the percentage of Mayawati’s statues in the state?